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Caste and welfare mixed with a southern flair: Election in Pincodes

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1 year ago

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HT examines a few crucial seats throughout the nation that best capture the factors influencing the current Lok Sabha election.

Lakshmi Tirupatamma follows a custom. Every month on the first, the 22-year-old leaves on a well-known journey to visit 50 homes. She first retrieves her outdated Android phone and a bulging folder from her cabinet. In her Andhra Pradesh neighbourhood of Navaluru, a peri-urban sprawl on the outskirts of the Guntur district, everyone knows everyone. Celebrations of life like birthdays and marriages are shared, as also rumours about single individuals spotted cuddling up with frosted soft drink bottles.

Like most of the 25,000 people living in the town, Lakshmi is a master at small chat despite only having completed her high school education. She skillfully balances her desires for cosmopolitanism with the morals of a tiny town. Her ability is put to good use as a volunteer at the village panchayat secretariat office, where she helps the state government with a variety of tasks. These include visiting 50 households, identifying government scheme beneficiaries, assisting with the creation of all necessary identity cards, delivering pensions, and making sure that all welfare schemes are delivered to the last mile.

She is paid 5,000 a month for this. In addition, the volunteers earn widespread recognition straight away, an Android phone, a government ID that works practically anywhere in rural Andhra Pradesh, and the ability to talk a lot about their “government job.” It is a blessing for a recent high school graduate who had to drop out owing to financial difficulties.

“I was extremely happy to have a job,” Tirupatamma remarked.

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However, in November of last year, the state government planned a caste census, the second comprehensive one after Bihar, which put her already full plate at risk of overflowing. Chief secretary KS Jawahar Reddy outlined the state’s plan in an eight-page letter that HT was able to view. The letter addressed all senior government employees and was primarily focused on the 266,000-person army of quasi-government workers, or Tirupatamma, who are the backbone of Andhra Pradesh’s welfare delivery system. The state-wide census was eventually finished in February, following two rounds of delays. This places Andhra Pradesh in a select group of states that have tried to physically count every caste—a colonial practice that independent India shunned.

The exercise’s external objective was clear: identify the ways in which social programmes are ingrained in underprivileged areas and implement remedial measures. According to the letter signed by Reddy, “the caste survey can play a crucial role in enabling customised development strategies for the historically marginalised communities by revealing development gaps and disparities in the social and economic opportunities within various castes.”

In the southern state, where assembly polls are being held in conjunction with general elections and chief minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy is aiming to become the first chief minister since his father, YS Rajasekhara Reddy, to win a second consecutive term—a feat no one has accomplished in fifteen years—shifting caste dynamics were also intertwined with this. There were some similarities between it and a similar experiment that was conducted in Bihar for similar overt political reasons, but the consequences have remained unclear due to the radically different caste relations on both sides of the Vindhyas.

The list

One hot February day, Tirupatamma, dressed in a pink salwar-kameez, brushed loose hair off her face. As her tour came to a close, she stopped at K Nagaraju’s house. She knew the family from before, having seen their three-room home with its fake marble floors and pale yellow peeling paint. “Every month on the first, I come here to give the family pension and ration,” she said.

However, this time around, the practice was more delicate and intricate. Lakshmi opened her phone and opened the Citizen Outreach app, which is a government app. Lakshmi was required to complete the survey in two phases, consisting of 14 questions each for the household and member sections.

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Information on the family’s size, kind of home, access to restrooms, supply of cooking gas and drinking water, and whether or not the family raised any animals was requested in the household section. The same set of questions were asked in the member section about personal information, gender, age, caste, subcaste, religion, ration card number, work experience, educational background, and amount of land owned.

Because I visit this place frequently, the name, age, and number of occupants in the residence have already been entered. But I had to confirm Nagaraju’s qualifications before moving on to look for information on the availability of necessities like drinking water and restrooms,” she stated.

However, this was not the previous instance. The cluster monitoring officer and the taluk or zonal officer, who were keenly aware of the stakes, were watching over her shoulder to make sure that the most crucial subject of all—caste—was asked and addressed amicably. However, much as in Bihar, caste is widely known in villages, and the only people who are hesitant are those who are at the bottom of the caste hierarchy.

Everybody knows everyone else. Our communities are home to the volunteers. Every month on the first, we eagerly await their coming. Thus, this procedure is merely another duty for me,” Nagaraju remarked.

By now, the sun was beating down fiercely, and Lakshmi was typing frantically at her screen. Before she could take a lunch break, she needed to confirm that Nagaraju indeed had chickens or animals, and the information she had entered into the app needed to be confirmed twice. And she was down to only one residence.

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The political

Andhra Pradesh’s politics have revolved around the two dominant communities, the Reddy and Kamma, since the state was split from the former Madras state in 1956. The former supported the Congress before defecting to the YSR Congress, while the latter backed the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), which has largely alternated in power. The Kammas are local business magnates who seldom agree with the land-owning Reddys.

This is nowhere more evident than in the coastal Andhra districts of Guntur and the rice bowl. Silent and helpful, Venkat Kumar Jasti listed his land holdings and the number of cows in his goshala one afternoon in February. But the dam broke just as Pranavi, the mandal parishad development officer, was leaving his home. “After my father passed away, I relocated from Visakhapatnam to Eluru three years ago, but despite my repeated requests to the government, I still haven’t received my voter card. “Is it because the state is run by a Reddy and I am a Kamma?” he questioned furiously.

Yet, the changing sands of caste in the divided state – it lost 10 districts and the financial powerhouse of Hyderabad to Telangana in 2014 – have made traditional patterns unreliable, prompting major parties to look for new social alliances. Scheduled castes (SCs) and other backward classes (OBCs) are key players in this new upheaval.

“NT Rama Rao gave the OBCs their first political boost when he realised that the only way to end the Congress-affiliated Reddys’ hegemony was to win backward and Kamma votes. Many OBC community leaders are still affiliated with the TDP today. According to Krea University professor Sambaiah Gundimeda, Jagan was attempting to buck this trend.

An essential component of this tactic was caste enumeration. In order to count the 723 recognised caste groups (Bihar had 215), the government used its grassroots network of welfare volunteers and kept the sanctioned overhead low, at ₹10 crore as opposed to ₹500 crore in Bihar.

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All four major parties, the YSR Congress, the TDP, the Jana Sena (which claims to speak for the interests of the powerful Kapus), and the BJP, first supported the caste survey on this delicate issue. However, the TDP quickly voiced concerns, believing that the government was using its welfare infrastructure to win over more votes. Senior TDP leader Pattabhi Ram said, “Jagan Reddy basically wanted to know who will vote for them and who won’t.”

North against South

One of the main themes of the national general elections is the struggle over the opposition’s pledge to conduct a caste census across the country. However, when one moves from the heartland to the peninsula, the caste system’s outlines change significantly.

Examine the two surveys on caste. The Bihar exercise lasted for six months and was the subject of a contentious judicial dispute that took place in both the high court and the Supreme Court. With a focus on the extremely backward castes (EBC) and Dalits, two groups that chief minister Nitish Kumar has painstakingly nurtured to rekindle Mandal-era consolidations, the survey played a crucial role in raising the caste-based quota to 65%. Indeed, Kumar’s return to the NDA has mitigated a good deal of the survey’s negative effects.

But the procedure in Andhra Pradesh was completed in only two weeks. Even after three months, the results are still unknown, and most people agree that they won’t significantly alter social dynamics. “At first, we thought it may benefit our neighbourhood, but now that these elections have occurred. “In Guntur town, only the Reddys and Kammas are making decisions,” stated Anand N, a Dalit driver of autorickshaw.

CM Reddy has never mentioned the survey as a significant accomplishment of his administration during an electoral rally. Kiran Kumar Gowd, president of the All India OBC Students Association, stated, “It now appears that the exercise was to sharpen YSR Congress’s welfare politics because the CM was looking at a last-minute push to overcome anti-incumbency.”

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The trajectory of caste politics in south India, which differs greatly from the Mandal churn that has created more room for backward castes in the heartland, is the fundamental cause of these disparate dynamics. Damodaram Sanjivayya, the first Dalit chief minister of India, was appointed to the erstwhile unified Andhra Pradesh in 1960 (north India had to wait till Mayawati in 1995). Early OBC political movements started in Andhra in the late 1970s, and they were more organised in 1982 when the TDP was established. The community got a taste of power two years prior when NT Rama Rao won a landslide of assembly seats. “A variety of factors, including the Naxal movement, caste violence, local resistance movements, and land ownership, come together to form caste politics in this region.”cited Vageeshan Harathi, an assistant professor at Hyderabad’s NALSAR University.

A result of this convoluted past is the subordination of the lower classes, a topic of discussion that is still relatively new in the Midwest. For instance, the OBC quota in Andhra Pradesh is divided into five classes, A, B, C, D, and E, with percentages of 7%, 10%, 1%, 7%, and 4%, in that order. This should, in principle, result in more precisely focused quota benefit distribution. However, this has also led to a fragmentation of political authority, as underprivileged areas compete with one another for more advantages from reservations. This effectively means that while caste groups are competing with one another within each category, no macro mobilisation of the EBC kind can take place.

A radically different interpretation of the meanings of religion and caste is the second result. For example, Mary Rathnakumari identifies as Christian even though she is a SC. She claimed she never obtained her baptism certificate from the church because she did not want to miss out on quota benefits when the enumerator requested her to show it. An anonymous staff member of the chief planning officer stated, “There are many like her who straddle both worlds.”

A fierce conflict

This time around, one of the most hotly fought parliamentary seats is Guntur, where the three entwined themes of caste, welfare, and politics collide.

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Since 1999, when the state’s assembly and Lok Sabha elections have coincided, the party or alliance that has performed well in the former has also performed well in the latter. However, in other states where voters now make different decisions depending on whether they are voting for the state or federal government, this correlation has weakened.

The TDP, in coalition with the Jana Sena and the BJP, and the YSR Congress, fighting alone, are engaged in a straight-up war in Guntur. Months before the polls, Jayadev Galla, the TDP’s current member of parliament and one of just three party candidates to win in 2019, unexpectedly announced his retirement.

The party has chosen to defend a seat it won by a razor-thin margin of 4,200 votes the previous time around in the Lok Sabha contest against Pemmasani Chandra Sekhar, a physician and one of the wealthiest candidates in the state. In an attempt to increase the Kamma, dominant, and peasant castes that make up the party’s core vote, the party is discussing its development plan for the state and focusing on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Viksit Bharat pitch. The hope is that economic ambitions in a city close to the state’s largest commercial hub, Vijayawada, will triumph over caste loyalties. In this equation, the Kapus, who make up around 10% of the state, are an important factor.

The current member of the Ponnur legislative assembly seat, one of the seven segments that comprise the Lok Sabha, K Venkata Rosaiah, has been nominated by the YSRCP, in contrast. Of these seven assembly constituencies, six are held by the party. The party has made a commitment to enhance its welfare architecture, known as navaratnalu or nine stars, if it returns to power. This architecture includes health care, monthly financial support, payments to farmers, pensions, and housing help. Along with the dominating Reddys, Dalits and tribals—many of whom are impoverished—make up the majority of the party’s supporters, which makes welfare a crucial platform.

The roughly 140 castes that make up the OBC category in the state are what keep things in balance. According to the 2019 CSDS-Lokniti Post-Poll Survey, backwards were distributed about equally between the two main groups. While the TDP coalition made a separate proclamation on backward classes, pledging bigger funds, more quota advantages, and a special law to safeguard the community, the YSRCP has emphasised its record of establishing over fifty backward caste enterprises.

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The roughly 140 castes that make up the OBC category in the state are what keep things in balance. According to the 2019 CSDS-Lokniti Post-Poll Survey, backwards were distributed about equally between the two main groups. While the TDP coalition made a separate proclamation on backward classes, pledging bigger funds, more quota advantages, and a special law to safeguard the community, the YSRCP has emphasised its record of establishing over fifty backward caste enterprises. He claimed, “The caste survey guys came and said their purpose was to make sure we could demand what was rightfully ours.” However, since then, all we have heard are assurances of additional doles. Where are we employed?

At least in that regard, the north and south appear to be linked.

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‘India hosts G20, Pakistan hosts T20’: Sena (UBT) MP Priyanka Chaturvedi’s ‘top terrorists’ swipe at Islamabad

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4 hours ago

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June 2, 2025

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Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Priyanka Chaturvedi recently made a pointed remark contrasting India’s global leadership with Pakistan’s alleged support for terrorism. Speaking to the Indian diaspora in London, she stated, “While we host the G20, they host the T20—the top 20 terrorists of the world,” implying that Pakistan provides shelter to some of the most wanted terrorists globally.

She further criticized Pakistan’s duplicity, saying it “shakes hands with you and then bites you on your back,” referencing the discovery of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan despite its alliance with the U.S.

Chaturvedi also drew a parallel between India’s pursuit of Free Trade Agreements and Pakistan’s alleged “Free Terrorism Arrangement,” highlighting the stark differences in their international engagements. Her comments were part of a broader effort by an Indian parliamentary delegation to expose Pakistan’s purported state-sponsored terrorism on the global stage.

This rhetoric aligns with previous statements by Indian leaders. For instance, during the G20 Summit in 2017, Prime Minister Narendra Modi emphasized that “some nations are using terrorism for achieving political goals,” equating Pakistan-based groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed with global terror organizations such as ISIS and al-Qaeda.

India’s consistent stance has been to urge the international community to isolate and sanction nations that support terrorism, advocating for a unified global response to combat the menace effectively.

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In a pointed and politically charged remark, Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Priyanka Chaturvedi recently stirred debate by contrasting India’s global leadership with Pakistan’s alleged harboring of terrorism. Speaking to members of the Indian diaspora in London, Chaturvedi quipped, “India hosts the G20, Pakistan hosts the T20—the top 20 terrorists of the world.” While wrapped in wit, the statement reflects a broader and long-standing diplomatic contention between India and Pakistan over the issue of cross-border terrorism.

India, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership, has increasingly positioned itself as a global economic and strategic player. Its hosting of the G20 summit in 2023 was seen as a landmark moment, not only diplomatically but also symbolically. India showcased itself as the voice of the Global South, a nation committed to sustainable development, digital innovation, and multilateral cooperation.

In stark contrast, Chaturvedi’s barb underscores India’s frustration over Pakistan’s alleged inaction against terrorist networks operating within its borders—a concern that has been echoed in international forums.

The “T20” remark, while humorous in form, is a critique of the perception that Pakistan continues to serve as a safe haven for individuals and organizations involved in terrorism. For decades, New Delhi has maintained that Pakistan-based groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, and others have orchestrated attacks on Indian soil, including the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and the 2019 Pulwama bombing. Chaturvedi’s statement aligns with this narrative, essentially accusing Pakistan of continuing to shelter elements that threaten regional stability.

The international community has taken note of these allegations. Multiple global bodies, including the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), have placed Pakistan under scrutiny. Although Pakistan was removed from the FATF’s “grey list” in 2022 after making certain legislative and financial reforms, many believe that the underlying infrastructure of extremism still finds space in parts of the country. Indian leaders have consistently pointed to this as a security threat not just for India, but for the wider world.

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What adds to the irony, and perhaps the bite, of Chaturvedi’s comment is the use of the “T20” term—normally associated with a popular format of international cricket.

Cricket is a shared passion between India and Pakistan and often serves as a tool of diplomacy and people-to-people contact. Yet here, the term is used to convey an ominous message, repurposed to signify terrorism rather than sport. It reflects how deeply entrenched the issue of terrorism has become in bilateral relations between the two neighbors, to the point that even cultural metaphors are drawn into the fray.

Her statement also speaks to the growing confidence of India’s political class in taking a firm, often vocal, stand on international platforms. Gone are the days when Indian leaders shied away from publicly naming Pakistan in global settings. Today, Indian representatives, whether at the United Nations, G20, or bilateral meetings, are direct in their language. Chaturvedi’s speech to the Indian diaspora fits into this larger strategic posture: vocal, assertive, and unapologetic.

Critics may argue that such rhetoric contributes little to actual diplomatic resolution and could exacerbate tensions. But supporters see it as a necessary counter-narrative to what they view as Pakistan’s continued denial of its role in sponsoring or turning a blind eye to terrorism. For the Indian diaspora—particularly in Western countries—such remarks often serve to rally support, both emotionally and politically, for India’s position on security and foreign policy matters.

Furthermore, Chaturvedi’s allusion to Osama bin Laden’s presence in Abbottabad, Pakistan, is a reminder of past controversies. The fact that the world’s most wanted terrorist was found living in a compound near a major military academy in Pakistan shocked global observers. That episode has become symbolic of the suspicions many hold regarding Pakistan’s internal contradictions—fighting terrorism in some quarters while allegedly enabling it in others.

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Chaturvedi didn’t stop at the T20 analogy. She also drew a comparison between India’s pursuit of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) and what she termed Pakistan’s “Free Terrorism Arrangement.” It’s a biting turn of phrase meant to emphasize the contrasting paths the two countries have taken on the global stage. While India negotiates trade deals and pushes economic growth, the insinuation is that Pakistan has allowed itself to become entangled in a network of extremist patronage and international suspicion.

These rhetorical flourishes are not made in a vacuum. They reflect a domestic political climate in India where national security remains a top priority. With general elections approaching, and with nationalistic sentiment often influencing electoral behavior, such statements serve both foreign and domestic policy objectives. They reinforce the narrative of a strong India standing up to global threats, and they appeal to voters who prioritize national integrity and security.

However, the use of such language also raises questions about diplomatic tone. While sharp rhetoric can capture headlines and galvanize public opinion, it may limit the space for back-channel diplomacy and peaceful negotiation. India and Pakistan, after all, remain nuclear-armed neighbors with a complex history. They share borders, cultural ties, and economic potential that are frequently overshadowed by their political disagreements.

Chaturvedi’s comments should also be viewed in light of increasing efforts by India to shape global perceptions. Indian diplomacy is now intertwined with strategic communication, where narratives are as important as negotiations. Terms like “Terroristan” and “T20 terrorists” are part of a larger toolkit of persuasive language aimed at influencing how the world sees South Asia’s security challenges.

It is also worth noting that such messaging often resonates with international audiences who have themselves been affected by terrorism. Countries in the West that have faced attacks on their soil may find a natural ally in India’s tough stance. Thus, Indian leaders—parliamentarians, diplomats, and ministers alike—are increasingly comfortable invoking sharp, memorable phrases to drive home their point.

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In the end, Chaturvedi’s “G20 vs T20” statement is emblematic of a broader geopolitical reality. It highlights the competing narratives of two neighboring nations with vastly different global aspirations. India seeks to be a rule-maker in the global order, advocating for cooperation, innovation, and economic integration. Pakistan, on the other hand, finds itself battling persistent accusations of terrorism support, struggling to reshape its global image despite efforts at reform.

Whether such rhetoric will lead to constructive change remains to be seen. But one thing is clear: the verbal sparring between India and Pakistan is no longer limited to official statements. It now occupies global stages, diaspora gatherings, and international media, shaping public perception in ways that formal diplomacy often cannot. Chaturvedi’s comments are just one example of how political messaging, laced with satire and criticism, has become a powerful tool in the evolving India-Pakistan relationship.

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Shreyas Iyer plays an all-time great knock, PBKS set up final against RCB to ensure a new IPL champion

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5 hours ago

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June 2, 2025

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Shreyas Iyer celebrates match-winning knock

In a pulsating, high-octane clash that will be etched in IPL folklore for years to come, Shreyas Iyer produced an innings of a lifetime, a masterclass under pressure that not only salvaged his side from the brink but also powered them into their first-ever Indian Premier League final, where they will now face Royal Challengers Bangalore in a historic showdown that guarantees a brand-new champion. The Eden Gardens roared in collective disbelief and admiration as Iyer, the steely-eyed right-hander, unleashed a knock that defied the odds, silenced doubters, and revived his team’s fortunes in a match that looked lost at several junctures.

Chasing a daunting total set by Rajasthan Royals in Qualifier 2, the Punjab Kings were reeling at 45 for 4 when Iyer walked in, amid a flurry of wickets and a growing sense of inevitability. But the Delhi-born batter had other ideas. Combining surgical precision with fearless aggression, Iyer stitched together a majestic 112* off just 61 balls, blending classical strokeplay with inventive shot-making. His ability to pierce the gaps, manipulate field placements, and accelerate with grace underlined his evolution as a big-match player.

The pivotal moment came in the 16th over, when Iyer launched into seasoned pacer Trent Boult with back-to-back sixes and a scything cover drive that shifted the momentum irreversibly in Punjab’s favor. From there, the equation melted down under the sheer weight of Iyer’s calm, calculated assault. Supported briefly by Jitesh Sharma and a spirited cameo from Liam Livingstone, the innings was undeniably Iyer’s canvas, painted with strokes of resolve, maturity, and brilliance.

The PBKS dugout erupted as he sealed the victory with a towering six over long-on, punching the air as teammates swarmed the field, finally breaking their playoff jinx and marching into the final with renewed belief. It was a tale of redemption for Iyer too, who had faced criticism earlier in the season for inconsistency but timed his resurgence perfectly, rising when it mattered most. Meanwhile, Royal Challengers Bangalore, having dispatched tournament favorites Kolkata Knight Riders in Qualifier 1, wait eagerly at the other end of the draw for what will be their fourth final — and like PBKS, a potential maiden title.

With both teams historically known more for their heartbreaks than their hardware, the upcoming final is more than just a match; it’s a promise of new beginnings, a shot at legacy.

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Fans across the country are bracing for a titanic clash of two squads brimming with talent and desperation in equal measure. For PBKS, the triumph in the semifinal is emblematic of their season — erratic yet exhilarating, chaotic but courageous.

Led ably by Sam Curran, whose tactical acumen and all-round contributions have been central to the team’s resurgence, Punjab have found late-season form that makes them a legitimate threat. Add to that the form of Jonny Bairstow, the X-factor of Livingstone, and a quietly effective bowling core anchored by Arshdeep Singh and Rahul Chahar, and PBKS look like a side peaking at just the right time.

RCB, on the other hand, are riding on a wave of Virat Kohli’s vintage brilliance, Faf du Plessis’s calm leadership, and a bowling attack spearheaded by Mohammed Siraj and Karn Sharma that has outperformed expectations. The final promises a showdown between two explosive batting line-ups, smart captains, and passionate fanbases who have waited for this moment for over a decade.

But on this night, it was all about Shreyas Iyer — his timing, temperament, and tenacity. The innings wasn’t just about boundaries and numbers; it was about soaking pressure, rewriting narratives, and showing the cricketing world the value of composure in chaos.

As fireworks lit up the Kolkata sky and the crowd chanted his name, Iyer stood with his bat raised, soaking in the adulation, knowing he had just played one of the greatest knocks in IPL knockout history. In a tournament that has seen legends rise and fall, Shreyas Iyer’s heroics will now be remembered as a defining act, the very heartbeat of Punjab Kings’ dream run.

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Now, with destiny within touching distance, PBKS and RCB are set to battle not just for a trophy, but for validation, for history, and for that elusive crown that has remained just out of reach for too long.

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US B1/B2 visa wait time exceeds 1 year for Indians: Report

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2 weeks ago

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May 20, 2025

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Despite the US fully resuming visa operations, demand for tourist and business (B1/B2) visas continues to exceed available appointment slots, creating major backlogs across US consulates in India. Wait times in Hyderabad, Delhi, Mumbai, and Chennai range from 7.5 to 13.5 months, with Chennai facing the longest delay at 13.5 months. These prolonged delays are disrupting.

Travel for family functions, weddings, business events, and emergencies. Priority appointments remain limited, offering little relief even in urgent cases. Business professionals are among the worst hit. With no clear or predictable appointment system, applicants are left checking the portal repeatedly without success, making travel planning extremely difficult.

The US has announced visa restrictions on owners, executives, and senior officials of Indian travel agencies accused of knowingly facilitating illegal immigration to the United States. Mission India’s Consular Affairs and Diplomatic Security Service work daily across the embassy and consulates to identify and target those involved in illegal immigration, human.

Indian applicants seeking U.S. B1/B2 visas are encountering unprecedented delays, with wait times now extending beyond a year in several major cities. This situation is significantly impacting travel plans for business, tourism, and personal emergencies.

Extended Wait Times Across Major Cities

  • Chennai: 13.5 months
  • Delhi: 9 months
  • Mumbai: 9.5 months
  • Hyderabad: 7.5 months

These prolonged delays are causing applicants to miss critical events such as weddings, business conferences, and family gatherings. For instance, a homemaker planning to attend her nephew’s wedding in August found the earliest available appointment was in March of the following year, rendering her unable to attend.

Impact on Travelers

The extended wait times are affecting various categories of travelers.

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  • Business Travelers: Professionals are facing challenges in attending international conferences and meetings, leading to potential financial losses and missed opportunities.
  • Tourists: Individuals planning leisure trips are forced to postpone or cancel their plans due to the unavailability of timely visa appointments.
  • Family Emergencies: Applicants aiming to visit the U.S. for urgent family matters, such as childbirth or medical emergencies, are unable to secure appointments in time.

While students and emergency travelers are given limited priority slots, general applicants looking to visit family, attend events, or explore travel opportunities.

Underlying Causes

Despite the U.S. fully resuming visa operations, the demand for tourist and business (B1/B2) visas continues to far exceed available appointment The U.S. Department of State acknowledges these delays and advises applicants to plan their travel well in advance. They also suggest that applicants regularly check the appointment scheduling system for any earlier slots that may become available due to cancellations.

Recommendations for Applicants

  • Early Planning: Initiate the visa application process as early as possible to accommodate potential delays.
  • Regular Monitoring: Frequently check the appointment scheduling system for any earlier slots that may open up.
  • Consider Interview Waivers: Applicants renewing their visas or meeting specific criteria may be eligible for interview waivers, potentially expediting the process.
  • Stay Informed: Keep abreast of updates from the U.S. Embassy and Consulates regarding visa processing times and appointment availability.

The prolonged wait times for U.S. B1/B2 visas are causing significant disruptions for Indian travelers. Applicants are advised to plan ahead, explore all available options, and remain patient as they navigate the visa application process

Indian applicants for U.S. B1/B2 visas are facing unprecedented delays, with wait times now exceeding one year in major cities. Chennai reports the longest delay at 13.5 months, followed by Delhi and Mumbai at approximately 9 to 9.5 months, and Hyderabad at 7.5 months. These prolonged wait times are disrupting travel plans for family events, business engagements.

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